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- THE UNION, Page 58AMERICA ABROADTHE NEED FOR NEW THINKING
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- By Strobe Talbott
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- If a computer were to design the ideal President to deal
- with Mikhail Gorbachev, it might whir and buzz and come up with
- George Bush. As Ambassador to the United Nations, Bush got to
- know the folkways of the world forum where Gorbachev has been
- concentrating much of his genius for public diplomacy. As the
- U.S.'s man in China, Bush had a crash course in Communism and
- geopolitics. As director of Central Intelligence, he learned
- what KGB networks and Soviet missile warheads could do to the
- West on a bad day. As Vice President, he met as many General
- Secretaries as he helped bury (three).
-
- Bush is genuinely fascinated by Soviet affairs. He has
- frequently held private weekend seminars with experts on the
- subject, and he chose card-carrying Kremlinologists for the top
- two jobs on the National Security Council staff. One of the
- first documents Bush signed as President was an order to the
- Executive Branch to reassess relations and recommend a strategy
- that looks ahead to the next century. The review is supposed to
- be an American answer to Gorbachev's "new thinking." Yet to meet
- that challenge, the study may have to work its way free of
- attitudes and assumptions that could make fresh initiatives
- difficult.
-
- Part of the problem is that Bush's Administration came into
- office on probation in the eyes of the Republican hard right
- and wary of appearing susceptible to Gorbomania. Some members
- of the new team seem to relish the chance to sound tougher than
- their predecessors. A number of Bush aides have privately
- derided Ronald Reagan for his arm-in-arm stroll through Red
- Square with Gorbachev at their summit meeting last June and for
- proclaiming the Evil Empire a thing of the past.
-
- Some of these advisers also seem convinced that what forced
- the Soviet Union to begin mending its aggressive, repressive
- ways was U.S. pressure of the past 40 years, so no change in
- U.S. policy is in order now. This line of argument
- underestimates the internal origins of Soviet reform. Gorbachev
- is not so much saying "uncle" to Uncle Sam as he is addressing
- the failures of the Leninist-Stalinist system. Moreover, he is
- doing so in a way that is earning him worldwide credit for being
- flexible and forward-looking, while the U.S. is in danger of
- appearing sluggish and uncertain.
-
- Yet the Bush Administration seems eager to play down the
- importance of Gorbachev himself. It is only prudent, of course,
- to hedge against the possibility of Gorbachev's demise. But the
- Administration risks going too far in assuming, imprudently,
- that favorable trends in Soviet domestic and foreign policy are
- irreversible -- no matter who the General Secretary is -- and
- not far enough in taking advantage of the immediate
- opportunities that Gorbachev himself represents. For example,
- his willingness to trim Soviet military muscle might give the
- U.S. a welcome chance to rethink some of its own more expensive
- superweapons.
-
- The Administration needs and deserves time to prepare its
- approach. The policy review is still a work in progress. But it
- would be a shame if it ended up being a rationalization for
- American old thinking and an all-purpose, platitudinous
- prescription for dealing not with Gorbachev but his successor.
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